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🔊 Как гласит ингушская мудрость, если чиновники нарушают права 86-летнего аксакала, его родные обращаются в прокуратуру. Магомед Ахциев по вине сотрудников отделения Социального фонда лишился части страховой пенсии по старости. Благодаря вмешательству надзорного ведомства ему сделали перерасчет и вернули незаконно удержанные 280 тысяч рублей.

❗️ @genprocrf

#ЛЮДИГОВОРЯТ
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🔊 Как гласит ингушская мудрость, если чиновники нарушают права 86-летнего аксакала, его родные обращаются в прокуратуру. Магомед Ахциев по вине сотрудников отделения Социального фонда лишился части страховой пенсии по старости. Благодаря вмешательству надзорного ведомства ему сделали перерасчет и вернули незаконно удержанные 280 тысяч рублей.

❗️ @genprocrf

#ЛЮДИГОВОРЯТ

BY Генпрокуратура России


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The next bit isn’t clear, but Durov reportedly claimed that his resignation, dated March 21st, was an April Fools’ prank. TechCrunch implies that it was a matter of principle, but it’s hard to be clear on the wheres, whos and whys. Similarly, on April 17th, the Moscow Times quoted Durov as saying that he quit the company after being pressured to reveal account details about Ukrainians protesting the then-president Viktor Yanukovych. He said that since his platform does not have the capacity to check all channels, it may restrict some in Russia and Ukraine "for the duration of the conflict," but then reversed course hours later after many users complained that Telegram was an important source of information. In a message on his Telegram channel recently recounting the episode, Durov wrote: "I lost my company and my home, but would do it again – without hesitation." Unlike Silicon Valley giants such as Facebook and Twitter, which run very public anti-disinformation programs, Brooking said: "Telegram is famously lax or absent in its content moderation policy." For Oleksandra Tsekhanovska, head of the Hybrid Warfare Analytical Group at the Kyiv-based Ukraine Crisis Media Center, the effects are both near- and far-reaching.
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