В Красноярске создан институт региональной безопасности. Здесь смогут пройти обучение пожарные, спасатели, операторы 112, работники ЕДДС со всей России.
Отдельное образовательное направление - обеспечение безопасности в арктических территориях. Разрабатываются специальные программы с упором на практику.
Еще один важный момент: институт будет готовить волонтеров, способных оказывать помощь при чрезвычайных ситуациях.
В Красноярске создан институт региональной безопасности. Здесь смогут пройти обучение пожарные, спасатели, операторы 112, работники ЕДДС со всей России.
Отдельное образовательное направление - обеспечение безопасности в арктических территориях. Разрабатываются специальные программы с упором на практику.
Еще один важный момент: институт будет готовить волонтеров, способных оказывать помощь при чрезвычайных ситуациях.
BY СТРАНОВЕД
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The next bit isn’t clear, but Durov reportedly claimed that his resignation, dated March 21st, was an April Fools’ prank. TechCrunch implies that it was a matter of principle, but it’s hard to be clear on the wheres, whos and whys. Similarly, on April 17th, the Moscow Times quoted Durov as saying that he quit the company after being pressured to reveal account details about Ukrainians protesting the then-president Viktor Yanukovych. Again, in contrast to Facebook, Google and Twitter, Telegram's founder Pavel Durov runs his company in relative secrecy from Dubai. Channels are not fully encrypted, end-to-end. All communications on a Telegram channel can be seen by anyone on the channel and are also visible to Telegram. Telegram may be asked by a government to hand over the communications from a channel. Telegram has a history of standing up to Russian government requests for data, but how comfortable you are relying on that history to predict future behavior is up to you. Because Telegram has this data, it may also be stolen by hackers or leaked by an internal employee. In addition, Telegram's architecture limits the ability to slow the spread of false information: the lack of a central public feed, and the fact that comments are easily disabled in channels, reduce the space for public pushback. Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers.
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