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📷 صور | مسيرتان جماهيريتان بمديرية #وصاب_السافل في #ذمار بعنوان "جهاداً في سبيل الله ونصرة لغزة.. سنواجه كل الطواغيت" 10-07-1446 | 10-01-2025

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📷 صور | مسيرتان جماهيريتان بمديرية #وصاب_السافل في #ذمار بعنوان "جهاداً في سبيل الله ونصرة لغزة.. سنواجه كل الطواغيت" 10-07-1446 | 10-01-2025

#عام_من_الفشل_الأمريكي
#مع_غزة_حتى_النصر
🔹 www.group-telegram.com/us/AMC_Midan.com

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In addition, Telegram's architecture limits the ability to slow the spread of false information: the lack of a central public feed, and the fact that comments are easily disabled in channels, reduce the space for public pushback. On February 27th, Durov posted that Channels were becoming a source of unverified information and that the company lacks the ability to check on their veracity. He urged users to be mistrustful of the things shared on Channels, and initially threatened to block the feature in the countries involved for the length of the war, saying that he didn’t want Telegram to be used to aggravate conflict or incite ethnic hatred. He did, however, walk back this plan when it became clear that they had also become a vital communications tool for Ukrainian officials and citizens to help coordinate their resistance and evacuations. "The result is on this photo: fiery 'greetings' to the invaders," the Security Service of Ukraine wrote alongside a photo showing several military vehicles among plumes of black smoke. In 2018, Russia banned Telegram although it reversed the prohibition two years later. The next bit isn’t clear, but Durov reportedly claimed that his resignation, dated March 21st, was an April Fools’ prank. TechCrunch implies that it was a matter of principle, but it’s hard to be clear on the wheres, whos and whys. Similarly, on April 17th, the Moscow Times quoted Durov as saying that he quit the company after being pressured to reveal account details about Ukrainians protesting the then-president Viktor Yanukovych.
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