La semana pasada el telediario de la RAI difundía un vídeo de los carabineros que persiguieron, a finales de noviembre, a Ramy Elgaml y Fares Bouzidid, dos chavales de un barrio periférico de Milán que se habían saltado un control de carretera. Las imágenes muestran el ensañamiento de los agentes y la embestida final que acabó con la vida de Ramy.
La muerte de Ramy ha provocado una reacción en cadena: primero en Corvetto, su barrio, y luego, con la difusión del vídeo, más allá, con duras manifestaciones en el centro de Milán, Turín, Brescia y Roma. Una respuesta desde abajo que une el hastío de la juventud migrante con la rabia por la creciente represión del Estado italiano.
La semana pasada el telediario de la RAI difundía un vídeo de los carabineros que persiguieron, a finales de noviembre, a Ramy Elgaml y Fares Bouzidid, dos chavales de un barrio periférico de Milán que se habían saltado un control de carretera. Las imágenes muestran el ensañamiento de los agentes y la embestida final que acabó con la vida de Ramy.
La muerte de Ramy ha provocado una reacción en cadena: primero en Corvetto, su barrio, y luego, con la difusión del vídeo, más allá, con duras manifestaciones en el centro de Milán, Turín, Brescia y Roma. Una respuesta desde abajo que une el hastío de la juventud migrante con la rabia por la creciente represión del Estado italiano.
Channels are not fully encrypted, end-to-end. All communications on a Telegram channel can be seen by anyone on the channel and are also visible to Telegram. Telegram may be asked by a government to hand over the communications from a channel. Telegram has a history of standing up to Russian government requests for data, but how comfortable you are relying on that history to predict future behavior is up to you. Because Telegram has this data, it may also be stolen by hackers or leaked by an internal employee. As a result, the pandemic saw many newcomers to Telegram, including prominent anti-vaccine activists who used the app's hands-off approach to share false information on shots, a study from the Institute for Strategic Dialogue shows. Artem Kliuchnikov and his family fled Ukraine just days before the Russian invasion. The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform. On Telegram’s website, it says that Pavel Durov “supports Telegram financially and ideologically while Nikolai (Duvov)’s input is technological.” Currently, the Telegram team is based in Dubai, having moved around from Berlin, London and Singapore after departing Russia. Meanwhile, the company which owns Telegram is registered in the British Virgin Islands.
from br
