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Напевне таки доведеться спробувати Effect для чогось простого. Я вже почитую документацію схеми, виглядає дуже прикольно, вле схема то лиш частка від всіх можливостей.

Там зранку вийшло відео від Метта про Effect. Точно стає менш напряжно думати про функції-генератори. Я б навіть сказав що відео має захоочувальний ЕФЕКТ 😎

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=S2GChOwivwQ
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Напевне таки доведеться спробувати Effect для чогось простого. Я вже почитую документацію схеми, виглядає дуже прикольно, вле схема то лиш частка від всіх можливостей.

Там зранку вийшло відео від Метта про Effect. Точно стає менш напряжно думати про функції-генератори. Я б навіть сказав що відео має захоочувальний ЕФЕКТ 😎

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=S2GChOwivwQ

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Russians and Ukrainians are both prolific users of Telegram. They rely on the app for channels that act as newsfeeds, group chats (both public and private), and one-to-one communication. Since the Russian invasion of Ukraine, Telegram has remained an important lifeline for both Russians and Ukrainians, as a way of staying aware of the latest news and keeping in touch with loved ones. But Kliuchnikov, the Ukranian now in France, said he will use Signal or WhatsApp for sensitive conversations, but questions around privacy on Telegram do not give him pause when it comes to sharing information about the war. Right now the digital security needs of Russians and Ukrainians are very different, and they lead to very different caveats about how to mitigate the risks associated with using Telegram. For Ukrainians in Ukraine, whose physical safety is at risk because they are in a war zone, digital security is probably not their highest priority. They may value access to news and communication with their loved ones over making sure that all of their communications are encrypted in such a manner that they are indecipherable to Telegram, its employees, or governments with court orders. These administrators had built substantial positions in these scrips prior to the circulation of recommendations and offloaded their positions subsequent to rise in price of these scrips, making significant profits at the expense of unsuspecting investors, Sebi noted. In 2014, Pavel Durov fled the country after allies of the Kremlin took control of the social networking site most know just as VK. Russia's intelligence agency had asked Durov to turn over the data of anti-Kremlin protesters. Durov refused to do so.
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