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Минюст пополнил реестр «иноагентов». В него вошли:

🔸 политолог Ирина Бусыгина;

🔸 журналистка «Русской службы Би-Би-Си» Анастасия Голубева;

🔸 журналистка Светлана Осипова;

🔸 журналист Валерий Панюшкин;

🔸 политик Анастасия Шевченко;

🔸 украинский политолог Михаил Шейтельман;

🔸 проект помощи политзаключенным «Зона солидарности»
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Минюст пополнил реестр «иноагентов». В него вошли:

🔸 политолог Ирина Бусыгина;

🔸 журналистка «Русской службы Би-Би-Си» Анастасия Голубева;

🔸 журналистка Светлана Осипова;

🔸 журналист Валерий Панюшкин;

🔸 политик Анастасия Шевченко;

🔸 украинский политолог Михаил Шейтельман;

🔸 проект помощи политзаключенным «Зона солидарности»

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Telegram | DID YOU KNOW?

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The account, "War on Fakes," was created on February 24, the same day Russian President Vladimir Putin announced a "special military operation" and troops began invading Ukraine. The page is rife with disinformation, according to The Atlantic Council's Digital Forensic Research Lab, which studies digital extremism and published a report examining the channel. In 2014, Pavel Durov fled the country after allies of the Kremlin took control of the social networking site most know just as VK. Russia's intelligence agency had asked Durov to turn over the data of anti-Kremlin protesters. Durov refused to do so. "And that set off kind of a battle royale for control of the platform that Durov eventually lost," said Nathalie Maréchal of the Washington advocacy group Ranking Digital Rights. Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers. "The argument from Telegram is, 'You should trust us because we tell you that we're trustworthy,'" Maréchal said. "It's really in the eye of the beholder whether that's something you want to buy into."
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