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Однодвигательный истребитель пятого поколения Су-75 Checkmate, как ожидается, впервые поднимется в воздух в 2025 году, сообщил вице-премьер Юрий Борисов.

Он объяснил, что обычно между первым полётом и серийным производством проходит 1,5—2 года.

Ранее генеральный директор «Ростеха» Сергей Чемезов сообщил, что истребитель будет серийно производиться в России с 2027 года.
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Однодвигательный истребитель пятого поколения Су-75 Checkmate, как ожидается, впервые поднимется в воздух в 2025 году, сообщил вице-премьер Юрий Борисов.

Он объяснил, что обычно между первым полётом и серийным производством проходит 1,5—2 года.

Ранее генеральный директор «Ростеха» Сергей Чемезов сообщил, что истребитель будет серийно производиться в России с 2027 года.

BY V Z - ВЗГЛЯД.РУ




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The channel appears to be part of the broader information war that has developed following Russia's invasion of Ukraine. The Kremlin has paid Russian TikTok influencers to push propaganda, according to a Vice News investigation, while ProPublica found that fake Russian fact check videos had been viewed over a million times on Telegram. Ukrainian forces have since put up a strong resistance to the Russian troops amid the war that has left hundreds of Ukrainian civilians, including children, dead, according to the United Nations. Ukrainian and international officials have accused Russia of targeting civilian populations with shelling and bombardments. That hurt tech stocks. For the past few weeks, the 10-year yield has traded between 1.72% and 2%, as traders moved into the bond for safety when Russia headlines were ugly—and out of it when headlines improved. Now, the yield is touching its pandemic-era high. If the yield breaks above that level, that could signal that it’s on a sustainable path higher. Higher long-dated bond yields make future profits less valuable—and many tech companies are valued on the basis of profits forecast for many years in the future. But the Ukraine Crisis Media Center's Tsekhanovska points out that communications are often down in zones most affected by the war, making this sort of cross-referencing a luxury many cannot afford. Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers.
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