❓چرا نمایش #اررور ۲۰ سال بعد را بدون ظهور ترسیم کرد؟
جواب: 🚩 دستگاهی اختراع شده است که بر اساس هوش مصنوعی، وزن دهنی را تشخیص داده و می گوید آینده فرد بر این اساس چگونه است. او که خبر از ظهور حضرت ندارد؟ همان‌طور که پیشگو نیست تا از مرگ کسی خبر داشته باشد.
🚩 مگر ما می‌توانیم بگوییم ۲۰ سال بعد حضرت ظهور می‌فرمایند یا خیر؟ ❌ اگر ظهور را نشان می‌دادیم عده‌ی دیگری اعتراض می‌کردند که چرا وقت تعیین کرده‌اید؟
❓چرا نمایش #اررور ۲۰ سال بعد را بدون ظهور ترسیم کرد؟
جواب: 🚩 دستگاهی اختراع شده است که بر اساس هوش مصنوعی، وزن دهنی را تشخیص داده و می گوید آینده فرد بر این اساس چگونه است. او که خبر از ظهور حضرت ندارد؟ همان‌طور که پیشگو نیست تا از مرگ کسی خبر داشته باشد.
🚩 مگر ما می‌توانیم بگوییم ۲۰ سال بعد حضرت ظهور می‌فرمایند یا خیر؟ ❌ اگر ظهور را نشان می‌دادیم عده‌ی دیگری اعتراض می‌کردند که چرا وقت تعیین کرده‌اید؟
Telegram has become more interventionist over time, and has steadily increased its efforts to shut down these accounts. But this has also meant that the company has also engaged with lawmakers more generally, although it maintains that it doesn’t do so willingly. For instance, in September 2021, Telegram reportedly blocked a chat bot in support of (Putin critic) Alexei Navalny during Russia’s most recent parliamentary elections. Pavel Durov was quoted at the time saying that the company was obliged to follow a “legitimate” law of the land. He added that as Apple and Google both follow the law, to violate it would give both platforms a reason to boot the messenger from its stores. In the United States, Telegram's lower public profile has helped it mostly avoid high level scrutiny from Congress, but it has not gone unnoticed. Oh no. There’s a certain degree of myth-making around what exactly went on, so take everything that follows lightly. Telegram was originally launched as a side project by the Durov brothers, with Nikolai handling the coding and Pavel as CEO, while both were at VK. The next bit isn’t clear, but Durov reportedly claimed that his resignation, dated March 21st, was an April Fools’ prank. TechCrunch implies that it was a matter of principle, but it’s hard to be clear on the wheres, whos and whys. Similarly, on April 17th, the Moscow Times quoted Durov as saying that he quit the company after being pressured to reveal account details about Ukrainians protesting the then-president Viktor Yanukovych. For Oleksandra Tsekhanovska, head of the Hybrid Warfare Analytical Group at the Kyiv-based Ukraine Crisis Media Center, the effects are both near- and far-reaching.
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