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Мао Цзэдун ΠΏΠΎΠΆΠΈΠΌΠ°Π΅Ρ‚ Ρ€ΡƒΠΊΡƒ Π›ΠΈ Π¦Π·ΡƒΠ½ΠΆΡΠ½ΡŽ β€” Π±Ρ‹Π²ΡˆΠ΅ΠΌΡƒ Π³ΠΎΠΌΠΈΠ½ΡŒΠ΄Π°Π½ΠΎΠ²Ρ†Ρƒ ΠΈ ΠΎΠ΄Π½ΠΎΠΌΡƒ ΠΈΠ· Π±Ρ‹Π²ΡˆΠΈΡ… руководящих Π»ΠΈΡ† ΠšΠΈΡ‚Π°ΠΉΡΠΊΠΎΠΉ РСспублики

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These administrators had built substantial positions in these scrips prior to the circulation of recommendations and offloaded their positions subsequent to rise in price of these scrips, making significant profits at the expense of unsuspecting investors, Sebi noted. In a message on his Telegram channel recently recounting the episode, Durov wrote: "I lost my company and my home, but would do it again – without hesitation." The original Telegram channel has expanded into a web of accounts for different locations, including specific pages made for individual Russian cities. There's also an English-language website, which states it is owned by the people who run the Telegram channels. The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are β€œprivate amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform. "There are several million Russians who can lift their head up from propaganda and try to look for other sources, and I'd say that most look for it on Telegram," he said.
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