An additional indicator of future operations is the systematic intensification of infrastructure in the north and north-west of Russia. In particular, this includes the reconstruction and expansion of railway junctions in the Pskov region, the modernisation of storage facilities in the Ostrov, Velikie Luki and Palkino areas, and the restoration of Soviet-era logistics facilities such as auxiliary stations, spare flyovers and ammunition depots (Pskov region website). These measures do not make sense for supplying the front in Ukraine, but are logically consistent with preparations for rapid deployment towards Latvia, especially given that these regions border Daugavpils and Rezekne
Equally worrying is the evolution of the role of the Belarusian component. The Belarusian armed forces have traditionally been seen as a secondary instrument in Russia's strategic calculations. However, in 2024–2025, Belarus deployed territorial defence units, drawing on its mobilisation reserve; conducted large-scale exercises simulating the defence of the western direction, which secretly model a strike deep into Latvia and Lithuania, and established temporary military bases and headquarters, in which supply depots and medical facilities have been pre-positioned
Indirect strategic signs of Russia's restructuring near the Baltic states include the disappearance of public information about the movement of certain echelons, in particular the movement of North Korean equipment in Siberia, GPS and mobile signal jamming in border areas, as well as the absence of Russia's usual "demonstrative" video reports of military convoys on TikTok and Telegram. This suggests that these forces are not part of Russia's rotational forces for Ukraine, but rather a tool for covert mobilisation and hidden redeployment — in full accordance with the classic model of strategic masked offensive operations described by Svechin.
Operational use of success — access to the sea, blockade of Riga
Based on the author's many years of experience as a military analyst and combat veteran, below is a likely path that Russian troops will take if Russia is indeed gathering forces near the border with Latvia for an offensive operation.
If Russia succeeds in capturing Daugavpils and Rezekne, Russian troops are unlikely to linger to hold eastern Latgale, but will advance along a trajectory from Rezekne to Preili, then to Jekabpils and finally to Jelgava, following the A6 motorway and railway lines. This would allow them to shorten logistical distances, outflank potential North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) reserves and reach the operational space leading to Tukums or Riga.
If successful at this stage, three strategic effects will be achieved simultaneously. First, Russia will be able to dismember Latvia's defences by blocking the transfer of troops from southern Lithuania to the north, to the border with Estonia. Second, Russia would threaten the flank of Riga, causing political and psychological instability. Third, Russia will create a beachhead on the Baltic coast via Tukums or Ventspils, which it could potentially use to transfer reinforcements by sea, demonstrate its strength, or create a "Kurland enclave."
The logic applied here reflects the logic of the operation in Šiauliai in August 1944 on the 1st Baltic Front, which was not a frontal battle for large centres during World War II, but rather an encirclement, capturing important lines of communication and destabilising enemy coordination. A modern analogue of this is the use of "tentacles" of battalion tactical groups in Russia's war against Ukraine — rapid advances in weakly defended directions, followed by a build-up of military presence and encirclement of the territory.
By analogy with Operation Doppelkopf, during which German troops reached Tukums in an attempt to re-establish contact with Courland, Russian forces could use bypass routes along the A6 and A8 motorways, cutting off Riga from the south and depriving it of logistical support.
An additional indicator of future operations is the systematic intensification of infrastructure in the north and north-west of Russia. In particular, this includes the reconstruction and expansion of railway junctions in the Pskov region, the modernisation of storage facilities in the Ostrov, Velikie Luki and Palkino areas, and the restoration of Soviet-era logistics facilities such as auxiliary stations, spare flyovers and ammunition depots (Pskov region website). These measures do not make sense for supplying the front in Ukraine, but are logically consistent with preparations for rapid deployment towards Latvia, especially given that these regions border Daugavpils and Rezekne
Equally worrying is the evolution of the role of the Belarusian component. The Belarusian armed forces have traditionally been seen as a secondary instrument in Russia's strategic calculations. However, in 2024–2025, Belarus deployed territorial defence units, drawing on its mobilisation reserve; conducted large-scale exercises simulating the defence of the western direction, which secretly model a strike deep into Latvia and Lithuania, and established temporary military bases and headquarters, in which supply depots and medical facilities have been pre-positioned
Indirect strategic signs of Russia's restructuring near the Baltic states include the disappearance of public information about the movement of certain echelons, in particular the movement of North Korean equipment in Siberia, GPS and mobile signal jamming in border areas, as well as the absence of Russia's usual "demonstrative" video reports of military convoys on TikTok and Telegram. This suggests that these forces are not part of Russia's rotational forces for Ukraine, but rather a tool for covert mobilisation and hidden redeployment — in full accordance with the classic model of strategic masked offensive operations described by Svechin.
Operational use of success — access to the sea, blockade of Riga
Based on the author's many years of experience as a military analyst and combat veteran, below is a likely path that Russian troops will take if Russia is indeed gathering forces near the border with Latvia for an offensive operation.
If Russia succeeds in capturing Daugavpils and Rezekne, Russian troops are unlikely to linger to hold eastern Latgale, but will advance along a trajectory from Rezekne to Preili, then to Jekabpils and finally to Jelgava, following the A6 motorway and railway lines. This would allow them to shorten logistical distances, outflank potential North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) reserves and reach the operational space leading to Tukums or Riga.
If successful at this stage, three strategic effects will be achieved simultaneously. First, Russia will be able to dismember Latvia's defences by blocking the transfer of troops from southern Lithuania to the north, to the border with Estonia. Second, Russia would threaten the flank of Riga, causing political and psychological instability. Third, Russia will create a beachhead on the Baltic coast via Tukums or Ventspils, which it could potentially use to transfer reinforcements by sea, demonstrate its strength, or create a "Kurland enclave."
The logic applied here reflects the logic of the operation in Šiauliai in August 1944 on the 1st Baltic Front, which was not a frontal battle for large centres during World War II, but rather an encirclement, capturing important lines of communication and destabilising enemy coordination. A modern analogue of this is the use of "tentacles" of battalion tactical groups in Russia's war against Ukraine — rapid advances in weakly defended directions, followed by a build-up of military presence and encirclement of the territory.
By analogy with Operation Doppelkopf, during which German troops reached Tukums in an attempt to re-establish contact with Courland, Russian forces could use bypass routes along the A6 and A8 motorways, cutting off Riga from the south and depriving it of logistical support.
He floated the idea of restricting the use of Telegram in Ukraine and Russia, a suggestion that was met with fierce opposition from users. Shortly after, Durov backed off the idea. These entities are reportedly operating nine Telegram channels with more than five million subscribers to whom they were making recommendations on selected listed scrips. Such recommendations induced the investors to deal in the said scrips, thereby creating artificial volume and price rise. What distinguishes the app from competitors is its use of what's known as channels: Public or private feeds of photos and videos that can be set up by one person or an organization. The channels have become popular with on-the-ground journalists, aid workers and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, who broadcasts on a Telegram channel. The channels can be followed by an unlimited number of people. Unlike Facebook, Twitter and other popular social networks, there is no advertising on Telegram and the flow of information is not driven by an algorithm. The account, "War on Fakes," was created on February 24, the same day Russian President Vladimir Putin announced a "special military operation" and troops began invading Ukraine. The page is rife with disinformation, according to The Atlantic Council's Digital Forensic Research Lab, which studies digital extremism and published a report examining the channel. "We're seeing really dramatic moves, and it's all really tied to Ukraine right now, and in a secondary way, in terms of interest rates," Octavio Marenzi, CEO of Opimas, told Yahoo Finance Live on Thursday. "This war in Ukraine is going to give the Fed the ammunition, the cover that it needs, to not raise interest rates too quickly. And I think Jay Powell is a very tepid sort of inflation fighter and he's not going to do as much as he needs to do to get that under control. And this seems like an excuse to kick the can further down the road still and not do too much too soon."
from jp
