همراهان عزیز؛ ما به عنوان یک رسانه ،تمام انرژی خود را صرف آرامش دادن به مخاطبین میگذاریم و سعی میکنیم از ایجاد استرس و ترس جلوگیری کنیم لطفاً لطفاً برای ما فیلم های تخریب و درد آور شهید شدن هموطنان را ارسال نکنید.
قربانیان جنگ در نهایت مردمان بی پناه و بی دفاع هستند.
و تا آخرین قطره خون ، خاک و خون ایران و ایرانی برای ما اولویت دارد.
همراهان عزیز؛ ما به عنوان یک رسانه ،تمام انرژی خود را صرف آرامش دادن به مخاطبین میگذاریم و سعی میکنیم از ایجاد استرس و ترس جلوگیری کنیم لطفاً لطفاً برای ما فیلم های تخریب و درد آور شهید شدن هموطنان را ارسال نکنید.
قربانیان جنگ در نهایت مردمان بی پناه و بی دفاع هستند.
و تا آخرین قطره خون ، خاک و خون ایران و ایرانی برای ما اولویت دارد.
Emerson Brooking, a disinformation expert at the Atlantic Council's Digital Forensic Research Lab, said: "Back in the Wild West period of content moderation, like 2014 or 2015, maybe they could have gotten away with it, but it stands in marked contrast with how other companies run themselves today." Telegram was co-founded by Pavel and Nikolai Durov, the brothers who had previously created VKontakte. VK is Russia’s equivalent of Facebook, a social network used for public and private messaging, audio and video sharing as well as online gaming. In January, SimpleWeb reported that VK was Russia’s fourth most-visited website, after Yandex, YouTube and Google’s Russian-language homepage. In 2016, Forbes’ Michael Solomon described Pavel Durov (pictured, below) as the “Mark Zuckerberg of Russia.” Russians and Ukrainians are both prolific users of Telegram. They rely on the app for channels that act as newsfeeds, group chats (both public and private), and one-to-one communication. Since the Russian invasion of Ukraine, Telegram has remained an important lifeline for both Russians and Ukrainians, as a way of staying aware of the latest news and keeping in touch with loved ones. The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform. Right now the digital security needs of Russians and Ukrainians are very different, and they lead to very different caveats about how to mitigate the risks associated with using Telegram. For Ukrainians in Ukraine, whose physical safety is at risk because they are in a war zone, digital security is probably not their highest priority. They may value access to news and communication with their loved ones over making sure that all of their communications are encrypted in such a manner that they are indecipherable to Telegram, its employees, or governments with court orders.
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