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Пока наши воины продолжают вести бои за Курскую землю, становится очевидным, сколько сил и ресурсов вложили западные страны в поддержку нацистской Украины.

В Поныровском районе на территории мемориального комплекса «Курская битва» продолжает работать бесплатная выставка трофейной техники и оружия ВСУ.

Мы гордимся нашей армией! Победа будет за нами!
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Пока наши воины продолжают вести бои за Курскую землю, становится очевидным, сколько сил и ресурсов вложили западные страны в поддержку нацистской Украины.

В Поныровском районе на территории мемориального комплекса «Курская битва» продолжает работать бесплатная выставка трофейной техники и оружия ВСУ.

Мы гордимся нашей армией! Победа будет за нами!

BY Игорь Корпунков













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That hurt tech stocks. For the past few weeks, the 10-year yield has traded between 1.72% and 2%, as traders moved into the bond for safety when Russia headlines were ugly—and out of it when headlines improved. Now, the yield is touching its pandemic-era high. If the yield breaks above that level, that could signal that it’s on a sustainable path higher. Higher long-dated bond yields make future profits less valuable—and many tech companies are valued on the basis of profits forecast for many years in the future. In this regard, Sebi collaborated with the Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI) to reduce the vulnerability of the securities market to manipulation through misuse of mass communication medium like bulk SMS. Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers. Groups are also not fully encrypted, end-to-end. This includes private groups. Private groups cannot be seen by other Telegram users, but Telegram itself can see the groups and all of the communications that you have in them. All of the same risks and warnings about channels can be applied to groups. In 2014, Pavel Durov fled the country after allies of the Kremlin took control of the social networking site most know just as VK. Russia's intelligence agency had asked Durov to turn over the data of anti-Kremlin protesters. Durov refused to do so.
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