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ℹ️ На 🚌 автобусному маршруті № 61 організовано дві додаткові зупинки:

— зупинка "вул. Сержа Лифаря" (режим роботи - на вимогу) по вул. Миколи Закревського в напрямку зал. пл. Воскресенка

— зупинка "вул. Миколи Закревського" по вул. Сержа Лифаря в напрямку вул. Милославська (на вул. Радунська)
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ℹ️ На 🚌 автобусному маршруті № 61 організовано дві додаткові зупинки:

— зупинка "вул. Сержа Лифаря" (режим роботи - на вимогу) по вул. Миколи Закревського в напрямку зал. пл. Воскресенка

— зупинка "вул. Миколи Закревського" по вул. Сержа Лифаря в напрямку вул. Милославська (на вул. Радунська)

BY Управа КПТ




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"There are a lot of things that Telegram could have been doing this whole time. And they know exactly what they are and they've chosen not to do them. That's why I don't trust them," she said. For Oleksandra Tsekhanovska, head of the Hybrid Warfare Analytical Group at the Kyiv-based Ukraine Crisis Media Center, the effects are both near- and far-reaching. "He has to start being more proactive and to find a real solution to this situation, not stay in standby without interfering. It's a very irresponsible position from the owner of Telegram," she said. As a result, the pandemic saw many newcomers to Telegram, including prominent anti-vaccine activists who used the app's hands-off approach to share false information on shots, a study from the Institute for Strategic Dialogue shows. On February 27th, Durov posted that Channels were becoming a source of unverified information and that the company lacks the ability to check on their veracity. He urged users to be mistrustful of the things shared on Channels, and initially threatened to block the feature in the countries involved for the length of the war, saying that he didn’t want Telegram to be used to aggravate conflict or incite ethnic hatred. He did, however, walk back this plan when it became clear that they had also become a vital communications tool for Ukrainian officials and citizens to help coordinate their resistance and evacuations.
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