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Состоялись занятия проекта «Партийная школа БГУ», организатором которых выступил исторический факультет. Цикл лекций стартовал 2 декабря.

Проект, реализуемый по инициативе партии «Белая Русь» и Белорусского государственного университета, направлен на формирование у слушателей целостного представления о многопартийной системе и роли партий в государственном строительстве.

В рамках образовательного модуля по исторической тематике преподаватели исторического факультета Сергей Александрович, Сергей Каун, Анна Маскевич, Анна Хадасевич, Владимир Кошелев провели лекции и практические занятия.

Лекции охватывали широкий спектр тем, связанных с историей политических партий и их деятельностью. Практические занятия включали в себя интерактивные дискуссии, анализ исторических документов и моделирование политических процессов
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Состоялись занятия проекта «Партийная школа БГУ», организатором которых выступил исторический факультет. Цикл лекций стартовал 2 декабря.

Проект, реализуемый по инициативе партии «Белая Русь» и Белорусского государственного университета, направлен на формирование у слушателей целостного представления о многопартийной системе и роли партий в государственном строительстве.

В рамках образовательного модуля по исторической тематике преподаватели исторического факультета Сергей Александрович, Сергей Каун, Анна Маскевич, Анна Хадасевич, Владимир Кошелев провели лекции и практические занятия.

Лекции охватывали широкий спектр тем, связанных с историей политических партий и их деятельностью. Практические занятия включали в себя интерактивные дискуссии, анализ исторических документов и моделирование политических процессов

BY Истфак БГУ | Гістарычны факультэт БДУ






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On February 27th, Durov posted that Channels were becoming a source of unverified information and that the company lacks the ability to check on their veracity. He urged users to be mistrustful of the things shared on Channels, and initially threatened to block the feature in the countries involved for the length of the war, saying that he didn’t want Telegram to be used to aggravate conflict or incite ethnic hatred. He did, however, walk back this plan when it became clear that they had also become a vital communications tool for Ukrainian officials and citizens to help coordinate their resistance and evacuations. At its heart, Telegram is little more than a messaging app like WhatsApp or Signal. But it also offers open channels that enable a single user, or a group of users, to communicate with large numbers in a method similar to a Twitter account. This has proven to be both a blessing and a curse for Telegram and its users, since these channels can be used for both good and ill. Right now, as Wired reports, the app is a key way for Ukrainians to receive updates from the government during the invasion. But Telegram says people want to keep their chat history when they get a new phone, and they like having a data backup that will sync their chats across multiple devices. And that is why they let people choose whether they want their messages to be encrypted or not. When not turned on, though, chats are stored on Telegram's services, which are scattered throughout the world. But it has "disclosed 0 bytes of user data to third parties, including governments," Telegram states on its website. NEWS The next bit isn’t clear, but Durov reportedly claimed that his resignation, dated March 21st, was an April Fools’ prank. TechCrunch implies that it was a matter of principle, but it’s hard to be clear on the wheres, whos and whys. Similarly, on April 17th, the Moscow Times quoted Durov as saying that he quit the company after being pressured to reveal account details about Ukrainians protesting the then-president Viktor Yanukovych.
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Telegram Истфак БГУ | Гістарычны факультэт БДУ
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