یک دوش آب گرم، یک فنجان قهوه‌ی داغ، کمی رسیدگی به خودت، ظاهرت، اندامت، لباس‌هات، دو قاچ سیب، سه قاچ کتاب، چند دقیقه موسیقی و اگر زمان داشتی، یک فیلم تازه و خوب؛ این‌ها چیزهایی است که تو را به آرامش می‌رساند و حالت را بهتر می‌کند، لازم نیست همیشه به آدم‌ها پناه ببری، فهمیدی؟
یک دوش آب گرم، یک فنجان قهوه‌ی داغ، کمی رسیدگی به خودت، ظاهرت، اندامت، لباس‌هات، دو قاچ سیب، سه قاچ کتاب، چند دقیقه موسیقی و اگر زمان داشتی، یک فیلم تازه و خوب؛ این‌ها چیزهایی است که تو را به آرامش می‌رساند و حالت را بهتر می‌کند، لازم نیست همیشه به آدم‌ها پناه ببری، فهمیدی؟
Oh no. There’s a certain degree of myth-making around what exactly went on, so take everything that follows lightly. Telegram was originally launched as a side project by the Durov brothers, with Nikolai handling the coding and Pavel as CEO, while both were at VK. Either way, Durov says that he withdrew his resignation but that he was ousted from his company anyway. Subsequently, control of the company was reportedly handed to oligarchs Alisher Usmanov and Igor Sechin, both allegedly close associates of Russian leader Vladimir Putin. Russian President Vladimir Putin launched Russia's invasion of Ukraine in the early-morning hours of February 24, targeting several key cities with military strikes. The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform. Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers.
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