В одном из подъездов на Россошанской 1к1 прорвало трубу, затопив несколько этажей.
Это не первый случай: в январе аналогичный прорыв затопил квартиры по всему стояку. Жильцы жалуются на постоянные аварии труб, хотя по их словам, был капремонт.
В одном из подъездов на Россошанской 1к1 прорвало трубу, затопив несколько этажей.
Это не первый случай: в январе аналогичный прорыв затопил квартиры по всему стояку. Жильцы жалуются на постоянные аварии труб, хотя по их словам, был капремонт.
At the start of 2018, the company attempted to launch an Initial Coin Offering (ICO) which would enable it to enable payments (and earn the cash that comes from doing so). The initial signals were promising, especially given Telegram’s user base is already fairly crypto-savvy. It raised an initial tranche of cash – worth more than a billion dollars – to help develop the coin before opening sales to the public. Unfortunately, third-party sales of coins bought in those initial fundraising rounds raised the ire of the SEC, which brought the hammer down on the whole operation. In 2020, officials ordered Telegram to pay a fine of $18.5 million and hand back much of the cash that it had raised. Channels are not fully encrypted, end-to-end. All communications on a Telegram channel can be seen by anyone on the channel and are also visible to Telegram. Telegram may be asked by a government to hand over the communications from a channel. Telegram has a history of standing up to Russian government requests for data, but how comfortable you are relying on that history to predict future behavior is up to you. Because Telegram has this data, it may also be stolen by hackers or leaked by an internal employee. Perpetrators of such fraud use various marketing techniques to attract subscribers on their social media channels. Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers. Emerson Brooking, a disinformation expert at the Atlantic Council's Digital Forensic Research Lab, said: "Back in the Wild West period of content moderation, like 2014 or 2015, maybe they could have gotten away with it, but it stands in marked contrast with how other companies run themselves today."
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